Abdullah Bozkurt/Stockholm
Turkey’s planned police and intelligence operations against Israeli intelligence activities on Turkish soil, resulting in criminal prosecutions, signify a new milestone in the ongoing transformation of the predominantly Muslim nation of 85 million under the leadership of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s Islamist government, known for its strong support of Hamas.
Since 2021, at the direction of the Turkish intelligence agency (Milli İstihbarat Teşkilatı, MIT), the Turkish police have conducted four major planned operations aimed at cracking down on activities attributed to Israeli intelligence agency Mossad on Turkish territory. These actions seem to have been primarily focused on disrupting Israeli intelligence efforts to monitor Iranian, Hamas and affiliated groups operating out of Turkey.
The police operations, leading to indictments and trials for espionage, underscore the determination of the Erdogan government to send a distinct political message to Israel and its backers through the avenues of law enforcement, judicial and intelligence efforts. This message makes clear that any activities targeting groups protected by Turkey’s Islamist leadership will not be tolerated.
Speaking at MIT’s 97th-anniversary celebration on January 10, Erdogan stated, “Our agency [MIT], in exposing the espionage network [of Mossad], has delivered a clear response to those who threaten us. This has undoubtedly surprised Israel. [They wonder], How did you manage to capture all this information and apprehend them [Mossad spies]?’ To Israel, I say, ‘Just wait; this is only the first step. You will come to understand Turkey better. You have yet to comprehend us, but you are destined to grasp [the essence of the new Turkey].'”
The crackdown on Mossad operations serves as an indirect confirmation that the usual communication channels at the political and institutional levels between Turkey and Israel have nearly collapsed. The Turkish government is now asserting itself by employing law enforcement, judicial and intelligence measures to demonstrate its strength and assertiveness in the strained bilateral relationship.
The escalation, evidently endorsed by the highest echelons of Turkish leadership, serves as another indicator that the radical Islamist character of the Erdogan government exerts significant influence on Turkish institutions. This influence becomes evident as the government mobilizes its resources against the broader Western context and, specifically, targets Israel.
Turkish government note on anti-Mossad operations in Turkey:
It also signals a fundamental shift in Turkey’s national security priorities under the Erdogan government, which has significantly intensified its anti-Israel policy. The government now brands Israel as an enemy, accusing it of harboring intentions to occupy parts of Turkish lands.
The anti-Israel policy stands in stark contrast to the permissive environment deliberately created in Turkey by the Erdogan government to allow clandestine operations by Iranian state agents and intelligence services. Numerous key positions in the Erdogan government, including the head of MIT, are occupied by pro-Iranian Turkish Islamists, some of whom have been the subject of terrorism investigations in the past due to alleged links to the Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) Quds Force.
According to confidential information in a document prepared by the Security General Directorate (Emniyet) and shared with other government agencies, four operations have been conducted against Israeli intelligence in recent years. The document, obtained by Nordic Monitor, reveals how the Erdogan government has mobilized resources to crack down on, halt and restrict Israeli intelligence activities, primarily focusing on foreigners residing in Turkey.
The first police operation against alleged Israeli intelligence activities occurred in October 2021, under the code name the “Muteni” operation. The groundwork for this operation was planned in advance and reportedly executed by a team of 200 MIT agents. The operation had three primary targets, as indicated in the document. One objective was to dismantle intelligence assets employed by Israel for gathering information on specific targets.
The second goal was to uncover the network allegedly used by Israel in the kidnapping attempt of Palestinian computer expert Omar Albelbaisy. He was known as the hacker for Hamas, involved in breaching the Israeli Iron Dome security network and the Android phones used by Israeli officials. Albelbaisy has been under MIT protection since relocating to Turkey. Turkish authorities reportedly foiled his abduction in Malaysia, where he was visiting a friend, thanks to a signal intelligence app planted by MIT on the hacker’s phone.
Educated at Gaza Islamic University, Albelbaisy describes himself as a freelance software developer on his LinkedIn profile. He has completed multiple projects for various companies, some located in Hamas-ruled Gaza. Albelbaisy closely coordinatse with Turkish intelligence in travels and jobs selection. Israeli intelligence agents reportedly approached him with multiple traps to lure him abroad for questioning.
The third objective was to identify foreign nationals who had been facilitating the transfer of funds to Israeli assets and operatives in Turkey, as outlined in the document.
The police detentions ultimately led to an indictment by a public prosecutor and a trial, with the majority of the evidence in the case provided by MIT. It is essential to approach the allegations in Turkish indictments with caution, considering the Erdogan government’s notoriety for weaponizing the criminal justice system and intelligence operations to further both domestic and foreign political objectives.
In high-profile cases over the last decade, MIT has been implicated in fabricating evidence and manipulating secret witnesses who are on the intelligence payroll. These actions have been seen as attempts to steer legal cases against government critics, opponents and foreign nationals in Turkey.
According to the case file, Israeli intelligence allegedly instructed its assets in Turkey to conduct close surveillance on targets with the aim of decoding their national and international contacts, obtaining official documentation held by the targets and identifying the broadband IP numbers for their home internet subscriptions. Moreover, Israeli intelligence reportedly established a network of carriers and operatives in Turkey to monitor the movements of Shiite militia near the Israeli-Syrian border and to conduct research and surveillance for this purpose.
It was alleged that MIT had constructed a spy network among Palestinians in Turkey and was already aware of Mossad operations long before they unfolded. According to stories that appeared in pro-government media in Turkey, MIT went so far as to establish a fake Palestinian organization and create a fictitious character to entice Mossad agents, aiming to expose both themselves and their operations.
Following the police operation on October 7, 2021, 29 suspects, including 15 Arabs, were detained and referred to court for arraignment. According to Turkish officials, Mossad agents allegedly led a team of 15 operatives, organized into three-man cells, tasked with conducting intelligence operations on how Palestinians entered universities in Turkey and the resources and facilities provided to them by the Turkish government and its municipalities. The instructions to team leaders were reportedly given by Mossad agents during in-person meetings in cities in Europe and Africa.
In the indictment drafted by the Istanbul Public Prosecutor’s Office in December 2021, 16 suspects were charged with offenses including “obtaining information related to the security of the state,” “political or military espionage,” “disclosing information related to the security and political interests of the state” and “disclosing information that should remain confidential.” The prosecutor has sought a sentence of up to 20 years in prison for the suspects upon conviction.
According to the 45-page indictment, a man named Ahmad Zaid, identified as a Germany-based field agent for Mossad, allegedly cultivated human assets from among Palestinians and Syrians in Turkey to utilize them as spies. The primary focus of these operations was to monitor the activities of foreign individuals, particularly Palestinians, in Turkey. Zaid purportedly ran the Turkey operation through Abdulkadir Barakat, who handled money transfers to the assets. The Turkish prosecutor has labeled Mossad operations as a threat to Turkey’s national security interests.
The trial commenced on February 8, 2022 at the Istanbul 22nd High Criminal Court. The primary suspects in the case, in addition to Zaid and Barakat, include Abdelrahman Abunawah, Abdulhakim Alzaamil, Mohammed Salhab, Gassan Saade, Ahmed J.A. Alkishawi, Yasin M.A. Abufeseifes and Raed Ashour. As of now, the proceedings are still under way.
The second anti-Mossad operation, named Operation Neoplaz, took place in December 2022 and focused on two specific groups that Israeli intelligence allegedly utilized for its operations in Turkey. The first group targeted was private detective agencies, while the second was tactical groups. According to the case file, private investigators were hired to gather biographical information on targets, obtain their photos and videos, conduct physical surveillance, install tracking devices on their vehicles and recruit carriers.
The assets developed for tactical purposes were reportedly instructed to establish chat groups on WhatsApp, create websites, develop news portals and engage in activities such as surveillance, money transfers, robbery, assault and the procurement of burner phones, according to the information presented in the case file.
In Operation Neoplaz, a total of 68 people were detained. According to pro-government media reports, seven suspects—Ahmet Koray Özgürün, Alperen Erkut, Halid Alnebhen, Gizvan Amori, Nizar Saaddeddin, Muhammed Murii and Khaled Nijim—allegedly admitted to working for Mossad during their interrogation by the police.
Mossad agents allegedly utilized burner phones and fake identities associated with Spain, the UK, Germany, Sweden, Malaysia, Indonesia and Belgium to conduct spying operations in Turkey. The assets recruited by Mossad were purportedly instructed to create fake websites under names like najarland.com, almeshar.com, nasrin-news.com and hresource.co.uk. These websites were designed to attract targets with the aim of hacking into the phones of the individuals being surveilled.
The indictment alleged that Israeli intelligence assets were flown to Thailand after two connecting flights through Serbia and the United Arab Emirates for training in a center run by Mossad agents in Bangkok. What’s more, some Arab assets were reportedly instructed to travel to Lebanon and Damascus to conduct surveillance on targets as part of their assigned activities.
The third operation, codenamed Nekpet, occurred in April 2023, with private detective Selçuk Küçükkaya and his network the targets. According to the allegations presented by a Turkish prosecutor in a 228-page indictment, Küçükkaya was allegedly hired by Israeli intelligence to carry out various assignments on targets. These assignments reportedly included researching the smuggling of people and goods on the Turkish-Iranian border, identifying hackers, establishing safe houses, planning assaults, arsons and burglaries for targets and locating an ambulance for future operations.
In the Nekpet operation, 17 suspects were detained, of whom six were formally arrested and sent to jail pending trial. An indictment was prepared by the Istanbul Public Prosecutor’s Office against all the suspects, charging them with “political and military espionage” and seeking imprisonment ranging from 15 to 20 years.
During the trial at the Istanbul 30th High Criminal Court, which began in October 2023, Küçükkaya denied the allegations, asserting that he ran a legitimate detective agency. He claimed to have primarily worked on divorce cases between 2018 and 2021, and the jobs he undertook do not appear to have violated any laws.
He also claimed that his initial statement, made during his 56-day detention, was taken under torture, disrupting his psychological well-being. Küçükkaya requested that the panel of judges disregard that statement. In the initial statement, Küçükkaya allegedly confessed to having 11 meetings with Mossad agents identified only as Hose-Jorge Satia, Thomas Alfonso and Raul, in 10 different cities in Europe between 2018 and 2022. He supposedly admitted to taking cash for his work and receiving instructions during these encounters.
Cenk Birtürk, an employee of the detective agency and a suspect in the case, stated in court that he applied for a job in 2019 after seeing an ad. He defended himself by asserting that the work he performed in public areas did not constitute a crime. His last assignment involved the surveillance of Abdülhamit Çelik, a convicted felon who has long been working for the IRGC Quds Force in Turkey. Çelik was designated under sanctions by the US Treasury, and in this case, both Çelik and his wife Hülya Çelik were listed as plaintiffs.
The trial is being influenced by MIT, which submitted a secret report to the court during the second hearing on December 6, 2023. According to the report, Israeli intelligence allegedly primarily targeted activists opposing Israel’s foreign policy. The report claimed that Mossad achieved this by establishing shell companies and using burner phones to conceal their activities, ensuring anonymity in their operations.
MIT alleged that the suspects operating for Israeli intelligence collected confidential information and planned to commit crimes such as murder, kidnapping, threats and extortion within Turkey. The report concluded that these activities pose a threat to both the domestic and foreign political interests of the Turkish state.
In addition to Küçükkaya and Cenk Birtürk, the other suspects in the case were listed as Serkan Özdemirci, Cengiz Çalışkan, Musa Kuş, Ayhan Şen, Canan Çalışkan, Cenk Demirci, Fatma Birtürk, Emre Birtürk, Mehmet Çörekçi, Serihan Bal, Ceyhan Önen, Tolga Çalışkan, Emine Tuğba Özdemir, Melis Doğrular and Nazan Birtürk.
The most recent police and intelligence operation against the alleged Israeli spy network, codenamed Köstebek/Nekropol, was conducted on January 2, 2024. This operation targeted individuals with telephone contacts and financial relationships with Israeli intelligence. As part of the operation, the police detained 22 out of a total of 34 suspects. Of those detained, 15 were formally arrested; 12 of the 34 suspects remain at large.
According to the investigation case file, the suspects were allegedly directed by Mossad to gather information about anti-Israel protests in Turkey, Palestinian organizations and Hamas-affiliated Palestinians in Turkey. Some of the suspects mentioned in the case file include Muhammed Bilik, Halid Haney, Kadir Aydın, Mahmud İzzeddin, Ahmet Furkan Alalmış, Amal Sallamı Ep Sıala, Samir Ferat, Mohamad Ahmad and Hazem Mounir Amın Elgayyar.
It is challenging to ascertain the veracity of the allegations made by Turkish officials given the notorious track record of the Erdogan government in manipulating the criminal justice system and intelligence operations to further domestic and foreign political goals. This often involves the use of fabricated evidence and the initiation of sham cases. Therefore, it is crucial for independent verification of the information presented by Turkish officials, and the broader political context should be considered to accurately assess the credibility of the claims against the Israeli spy network.
All this, however, reaffirms that Turkey, under the rule of the Islamist Erdogan government, supported by far-right nationalist (Milliyetçi) and ultra-left neo-nationalist (Ulusalcı) blocs, has undergone a radical transformation. The series of unprecedented and successive intelligence and police operations against Israeli interests as well as those of Western allies by the Erdogan government are indicative of this profound change.
Present-day Turkey exhibits greater alignment with countries like Iran, Venezuela and Russia, showcasing an increased assertiveness in its anti-Western stance. The nation has been progressively distancing itself from its NATO allies and European Union partners, choosing to opt out of participating in Western policies.
