Abdullah Bozkurt/Stockholm
Turkey has significantly expanded its lobbying and influence operations in the United States, building a solid and increasingly sophisticated network of registered agents, legal advisers, political consultants, party representatives, nonprofits and public relations firms working in tandem to shape Washington’s perception of Ankara’s policies.
Recent filings under the Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA) show that Turkey’s influence apparatus now operates across multiple layers, from direct lobbying and legal strategy to political party activity and nonprofit-driven soft power initiatives.
According to a March 9, 2026, report by the Congressional Research Service (CRS), Turkey ranks among the most active countries lobbying in Washington, with 105 foreign agent registrations recorded between 2001 and 2021.
These figures underscore a sustained and structured effort by Turkish authorities and affiliated entities to maintain a strong presence in Washington’s lobbying ecosystem, particularly as Ankara has ramped up its influence operations in the United States to shape US policy on issues ranging from defense procurement to regional conflicts.
At the same time, Turkish lobbying activities often extend into areas that may not be fully captured in FARA disclosures.
On March 25, US activist Laura Loomer, who is close to the Trump administration, claimed that the CIA possesses evidence that Turkey has secretly funded podcasters to undermine US government policy. “CIA source tells me the CIA has hard evidence that Turkey, and more specifically the Erdogan @RTErdogan administration, has specifically directed spending for podcasters to undermine the Trump administration’s Middle East agenda,” she wrote on X. “The CIA has evidence of this Turkish funding going to at least one female podcaster and at least one male podcaster.”
Turkey’s Information and Communication Technologies Authority (Bilgi Teknolojileri ve İletişim Kurumu, BTK), the country’s main telecommunications regulator that effectively serves as a censorship arm of the government of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, formally requested that X remove Laura Loomer’s post.
Loomer’s allegation cannot be independently verified. However, given the well-documented track record of the Erdogan government covertly financing operations on US soil, ranging from support for Muslim Brotherhood-linked networks to espionage activities targeting Erdogan critics such as members of the Gülen movement, the claim is consistent with previously observed patterns.
In any case, publicly available information from FARA filings sheds light only on the tip of the iceberg of influence operations carried out by the Erdogan government in the United States. What Ankara may be doing beyond disclosed filings remains unknown to the public for now.
A report by the Congressional Research Service (CRS) ranks Turkey among the most active countries lobbying in Washington, with 105 foreign agent registrations recorded between 2001 and 2021:
Under FARA, foreign governments and entities are required to disclose activities carried out on their behalf in the United States, including lobbying, public relations campaigns, political consulting and efforts to influence public opinion or government decision-making.
The CRS analysis shows that lobbying constitutes a significant portion of these activities, accounting for 28.4 percent of reported services, while public relations work dominates at nearly 60 percent. This distribution suggests that Turkey’s strategy goes beyond direct lobbying of lawmakers and includes broader narrative-shaping efforts targeting media outlets, think tanks and the public.
Foreign agents acting on behalf of Ankara typically engage in a wide range of activities, including contacting US officials, arranging meetings, organizing events, writing opinion pieces and coordinating messaging campaigns designed to promote Turkey’s policy positions. FARA defines such agents as individuals or organizations acting “at the order, request, or under the direction or control” of a foreign principal while engaging in political or representational activities within the United States.
Under repressive political Islamist leader Erdogan, who rules Turkey with an iron grip, Ankara’s lobbying footprint in Washington has evolved into a more institutionalized and professionalized operation over the past decade. Turkish government entities, state-linked companies and private intermediaries have increasingly turned to well-connected US lobbying firms and legal consultancies to amplify their influence.
A newly reviewed FARA supplemental filing submitted by the Turkish Islamist-linked Turken Foundation Inc., a New York-based nonprofit controlled by family members and associates of Erdogan, reveals the scale and structure of financial flows supporting Ankara-aligned activities in the United States.
The filing shows that during the six-month reporting period ending November 30, 2025, the foundation received $2 million in funding from Turkish-linked entities, specifically the Turkish Youth and Education Service Foundation (TURGEV) and the Muslim Brotherhod-linked Turkish Islamist foundation Ensar. TURGEV is run by Erdogan’s son, Bilal Erdogan.
The funds were transferred largely as donations in multiple tranches, each nearing half a million dollars, highlighting a structured and sustained financing pipeline from Turkey into US-based operations.
The filing indicates that these funds were not passive transfers but were actively deployed across a wide range of operational activities. Disbursement records show that more than $1.4 million was spent during the reporting period, including on construction and student housing projects, communications, media-related expenses and promotional activities.
The Turken Foundation’s most recent FARA supplemental report (FSR), filed on December 30, 2025, reveals that a significant amount of money was transferred from Turkey to support influence operations in the United States:
The breakdown demonstrates that the foundation functions as an operational hub, channeling funds into both physical infrastructure and broader organizational capacity that can support outreach and influence efforts.
The filing also reveals a structured communications strategy targeting US audiences. According to the disclosure, the foundation disseminated informational materials through websites, official platforms, social media channels including Facebook, Instagram, YouTube and X as well as email campaigns, digital communications and printed publications.
These materials were distributed to educational institutions and civic groups, indicating targeted engagement with specific segments of American society. Notably, the filing confirms that these activities fall within FARA’s definition of “political activity,” which includes efforts to influence public opinion or policy in the United States.
The document shows ongoing coordination with both entities back in Turkey, including meetings to discuss budgets, project implementation and compliance requirements. This highlights how Turkey’s influence operations extend through affiliated nonprofit networks, which can operate with greater flexibility than formal government bodies.
While framed as educational and charitable work, the scale and structure of these activities suggest a broader strategic function. By investing heavily in student housing, cultural programming, digital media and communications, and engagement with civic and educational institutions, the network appears designed to cultivate long-term influence among communities, students and opinion-shaping groups in the United States.
The Turken Foundation’s activities represent one pillar of a wider Turkish influence ecosystem documented in other FARA filings.
This ecosystem includes a $1.02 million lobbying contract with LB International Solutions LLC, one of the longest-standing contractors working on behalf of the Turkish Embassy to engage Congress. The company has also expanded its portfolio to include private Turkish companies such as ONJA, which provides financial and trade consulting services.
Under a contract signed on April 18, 2024, with the Turkish Embassy, the company was tasked with providing “general government relations services,” a term that in practice encompasses direct lobbying and influence operations targeting Congress and the executive branch. The agreement also includes efforts to shape perceptions by arranging public appearances and events designed to “improve Türkiye’s image and advance its causes on Capitol Hill,” highlighting the integration of lobbying with public relations strategy.
The FARA filing explicitly states that the company’s work includes engagement with members of the House, Senate and congressional staff on issues related to US-Turkey relations.
Turkey also continues to retain Washington-based law firms such as Saltzman & Evinch, PLLC, which had a $1.54 million legal advisory contract as of May 2025. The scope of work includes monitoring US legal and policy developments and advising on pending legislation and executive actions, functions that intersect directly with policy influence.
The Washington representative of Turkey’s ruling AKP filed a FARA disclosure showing that substantial funds were transferred from Turkey to support the party’s influence campaign in the United States_
While formally categorized as legal services, the filing confirms that these activities include elements defined under FARA as “political activities,” such as influencing US government policy and managing public perception. Notably, the contract stipulates that disputes arising from the agreement are to be governed under Turkish law and adjudicated in courts in Ankara, highlighting Ankara’s effort to retain control over its overseas legal engagements.
The Wall Street Journal previously reported that the Turkish government used Saltzman & Evinch to gather information on Erdogan critics living in the United States. The firm’s partner, Günay Evinch, a dual Turkish-US national, also hired Rümeysa Kalın (Karabulut), the daughter of Turkish intelligence chief İbrahim Kalın, for a period of time.
A newly examined FARA filing further reveals that the Turkish government signed a $600,000 lobbying and government relations contract with Skyline Capitol LLC on January 31, 2025, expanding its influence infrastructure in Washington.
Filed with the US Department of Justice on February 4, 2025, the agreement outlines a comprehensive lobbying mandate that goes well beyond traditional diplomatic engagement.
Under the contract, Skyline Capitol is tasked with engaging both Congress and the executive branch while also expanding Turkey’s reach into state and local political systems across the United States. The firm is required to build relationships with governors, state legislators and mayors nationwide, strengthen ties with Turkish-American business communities and engage think tanks, academia and policy institutions to shape narratives.
This marks a significant evolution in Turkey’s approach, shifting from traditional federal lobbying to a multi-level influence strategy embedded across multiple layers of the US political and economic systems.
At the same time, newer actors have entered the field. Imperium Strategies LLC, registered in 2025, represents the Turkish government indirectly through subcontracting arrangements, illustrating how Ankara is layering its lobbying efforts through intermediaries.
Public relations and image-building efforts also play a prominent role. Geoffrey Weill Associates represents GoTürkiye, a branding initiative of Turkey’s Ministry of Culture and Tourism, focusing on shaping public perception and promoting tourism narratives in the United States.
Saltzman & Evinch’s $1.5 million contract with Turkey:
State media has likewise secured a formal foothold. The Turkish Radio and Television Corporation (TRT) maintains a registered presence in Washington, underscoring how state-backed media outlets are integrated into broader influence operations.
Political engagement through the ruling Justice and Development Party’s (AKP) Washington entity, AK Party Representation to the United States LLC, is another instrument in Ankara’s influence toolkit.
A newly reviewed FARA supplemental filing submitted by the AK Party Representation provides rare insight into how Turkey’s ruling party is directly engaged in influence activities inside the United States. The filing, covering the six-month period ending November 30, 2025, confirms that the entity conducted “political, social and cultural activities such as public gatherings and in-person meetings” across the country.
Unlike traditional lobbying firms focused on federal institutions, the AKP-linked entity appears to operate in a hybrid space combining political outreach, diaspora engagement and influence-building among communities and networks. The document explicitly categorizes these efforts as “political activity” under FARA, meaning they are intended to influence US public opinion or government policy regarding Turkey.
Turkey’s $1.02 million lobbying contract with LB International Solutions LLC to conduct lobbying on behalf of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s government:
Financial disclosures reveal substantial funding transferred directly from AK Party headquarters in Turkey to support these US operations. The filing shows multiple incoming wire transfers from Ankara between August and October 2025, with total receipts exceeding $875,000 during the reporting period.
Taken together, these elements form a multi-layered strategy combining hard lobbying with soft power projection. The fact that informational materials were disseminated but not fully filed with the Department of Justice also raises transparency concerns regarding the scope of messaging activities.
Turkey’s expanding lobbying footprint reflects a deliberate shift toward a comprehensive influence strategy that integrates direct lobbying of policymakers, legal and regulatory positioning, political party outreach, media and perception management and nonprofit-driven soft power initiatives.
By combining multimillion-dollar contracts with grassroots-style outreach and nonprofit activity, Ankara appears to be building a durable and adaptive influence network capable of operating across multiple layers of the US system.
Turkey’s increasingly sophisticated lobbying and influence operations in the United States are likely to remain a central pillar of its foreign policy, raising ongoing questions about transparency, accountability and the role of foreign-linked organizations operating within the US political landscape.
