Abdullah Bozkurt/Stockholm
Turkey’s state-run broadcaster, Türkiye Radyo Televizyon Kurumu (TRT), widely regarded as the primary propaganda arm of the ruling Islamist Justice and Development Party (AKP), may have submitted false information in its latest mandatory disclosure under the US Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA). This misrepresentation could expose the organization’s Washington, D.C., director, Enes Adli, to serious legal consequences, including fines and potential imprisonment.
In a filing dated May 21, submitted as part of TRT’s periodic reporting obligation following its 2019 designation as a foreign propaganda outlet by the US Department of Justice, the broadcaster claimed it had not engaged in political activities on behalf of a foreign principal.
The statement, signed by TRT’s Washington director, appears to contradict the network’s well-documented alignment with Erdogan’s ruling AKP government’s foreign policy objectives and ideological stances, particularly those aligned with the Muslim Brotherhood and Hamas, designated as a terrorist organization by both the US and the EU.
Under Section 1(o) of FARA, “political activity” encompasses any action intended to influence US government agencies or the American public in regard to US domestic or foreign policy, or to the political or public interests of a foreign government or political party. TRT’s conduct appears to squarely fall within this definition.
As a broadcaster operating in multiple languages, including English via TRT World, the state-controlled network consistently promotes the Turkish government’s viewpoints to a global audience, including the American public. Its editorial content often mirrors the rhetoric and policies of President Erdoğan, who consistently expresses an anti-West stance in public speeches, frequently bashes US and European leaders and threatens to attack neighboring Greece.
Turkish state broadcaster TRT’s FARA filing in the US in May reveals that the propaganda outlet attempted to conceal its political activity on behalf of the Turkish government:
For instance, TRT’s editorial stance on Hamas — which President Erdogan describes as a resistance movement rather than a terrorist organization — clearly illustrates how Turkish state broadcasting promotes the talking points of a foreign leader. In recent years Erdogan has escalated his rhetoric against Israel, a trend that began well before the October 7 Hamas attacks and has continued since. He has even labeled Israel a national security threat, provided sanctuary to Hamas leaders in Turkey and facilitated financial support for the group’s operations.
Erdogan and his Islamist associates’ pro-Hamas and anti-Israel diatribes have been repackaged under the guise of journalism and transformed into soundbites and footage by TRT.
TRT frequently avoids characterizing Hamas attacks as acts of terrorism. Instead, its reports frame these actions as responses to Israeli occupation or military aggression, often describing them as “clashes” or “exchanges of fire.” In opinion and analysis segments, TRT World regularly features contributors who express sympathy toward Hamas and promote narratives consistent with Ankara’s geopolitical messaging.
Given this pattern, TRT’s denial of political activity in its FARA disclosure raises significant legal concerns. By contrast, China’s state broadcaster, CGTN — similarly classified under FARA — openly acknowledges its engagement in political activity on behalf of a foreign government.
This isn’t TRT’s first attempt to sidestep FARA requirements. Initially, the network resisted registration altogether, claiming editorial independence despite overwhelming evidence of direct government control over its management, editorial stance and reliance on taxpayer funding. In 2019 the Department of Justice ultimately compelled TRT to register, ensuring public awareness of its foreign affiliations and political motivations.
A review of TRT’s FARA filings reveals a persistent lack of transparency. Omissions, incomplete explanations and misleading statements about the broadcaster’s activities suggest a pattern of non-compliance. Under US federal law, false statements in such disclosures constitute a criminal offense, punishable by up to five years in prison and fines of up to $250,000 per count for individuals — potentially more for organizations.
The individual most at risk appears to be TRT’s Washington bureau chief Adli. According to his LinkedIn profile, he has served in this capacity since November 2023, though the FARA filing claims he assumed the role on October 1, 2024. Adli, whose background is in finance and contract management at TRT, now represents the broadcaster in the US and oversees its operations in the US.
FARA disclosures also reveal that TRT spends more than $1 million annually on its US operations. In the past six months alone, its headquarters in Ankara transferred $548,000 to fund the DC office.
The expense sheet also shows that TRT paid $50,000 to Saltzman & Evinch, a law firm that lobbies for the Turkish government and represents its embassy in Washington in legal matters.
In a separate FARA filing dated January 26, 2025, Saltzman & Evinch reported earning $50,000 from the Turkish Embassy between July and December 2024. The firm has a standing $1.5 million contract with the embassy. Among its notable alumni is Rumeysa Kalın Karabulut, daughter of Turkey’s intelligence chief, İbrahim Kalın. She previously worked at the firm as a law clerk and has been employed by TRT in Turkey since 2019.
The Wall Street Journal has previously reported that the Turkish government used Saltzman & Evinch to gather intelligence on Erdogan critics residing in the US.
The FARA filings also reveal that TRT manager Adli is handsomely compensated by US standards. According to the records, he earns $135,000 annually, in addition to healthcare and other benefits — the bulk of which was funded by Turkish taxpayers. By comparison, average journalist salaries in the Washington, D.C., area range from $60,000 to $90,000, according to data from the job platform Indeed.com. Adli’s compensation puts him on par with some of the highest-paid journalists in the US.
TRT, which employs roughly 10,000 people, enjoys a substantial budget drawn largely from mandatory licensing fees — known as bandrol taxes — imposed on nearly all electronic goods sold in Turkey, including televisions, radios and computers.
The contract, valued at $1.5 million, was awarded to the Washington, D.C., law firm Saltzman & Evinch by the Turkish Embassy:
In 2023 TRT’s total revenue reached 21.14 billion Turkish lira. A staggering 86.3 percent — roughly 18.24 billion TL — came from bandrol fees, while only 13.7 percent came from advertising and other sources. This marked a steep rise in the reliance on taxpayer-derived funding compared to 2022, when bandrol income accounted for 80.1 percent of the total. Advertising revenue, meanwhile, declined from 17 percent in 2022 to 13.7 percent in 2023.
TRT also previously benefitted from surcharges on electricity bills, which had provided 40 to 50 percent of its income between 2003 and 2015. This revenue stream was legally abolished in 2023, prompting the government to significantly increase licensing fees to offset the loss.
According to a 2024 report by the Turkish Court of Accounts, a government fiscal watchdog, TRT’s expenditures rose by 90.9 percent in 2023, reaching 14.24 billion TL. Of this, 7.79 billion TL was allocated to outsourced services and benefits, often channeled to government-aligned production firms.
Critics argue that TRT has strayed far from its mission as a public service broadcaster and now operates as a de facto extension of the Erdogan administration, functioning more like a propaganda outlet for the ruling party than an independent media organization.
