Abdullah Bozkurt/Stockholm
A recent notice by the New York City Campaign Finance Board (CFB) has once again drawn attention to the government of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and its involvement in a foreign interference effort in the city’s mayoral election. The investigation centers on donations from Turkish nationals, benefits from state-linked enterprises and favors extended to the Turkish government.
The CFB’s August 7 supplemental determination notice provides a detailed account of how Turkish influence permeated Mayor Eric Adams’ political fundraising. The notice delivers a major blow to his 2025 re-election bid, ruling him ineligible for millions in taxpayer matching funds and citing “reason to believe” that he engaged in widespread violations of election law involving alleged financial ties to Turkey.
The notice, which is partly based on a 2014 federal complaint against Adams, details the secret efforts of Turkish government officials, exposing operatives used by the Erdogan government to meddle in New York’s elections and to support a candidate who would advance Turkey’s interests.
One of the key players for the Erdogan government, unmasked in a federal indictment and the CFB’s notice, is a Turkish businessman named Arda Sayıner, who acted as a conduit for foreign funds. Sayıner, a little-known figure who presents himself variously as a journalist, counselor, influencer and brand promoter, appears to be an ideal go-between, gaining access to VIP circles by wearing multiple hats. He operates a PR and media firm, Arsay Medya Reklam ve Danışmanlık Hizmetleri Limited Şirketi, based in Istanbul.
The New York City Campaign Finance Board (CFB) details how New York Mayor Eric Adams cultivated illegal donations from Turkish officials and nationals:
A Nordic Monitor investigation revealed that Sayıner has written for Daily Sabah, owned by Turkish President Erdogan’s family, and continues to contribute to the pro-government Hürriyet daily. His work is largely non-political, centering on restaurants, hotels, tourism and the arts. Yet behind this facade, he appears to leverage both his Turkish and international connections to promote Erdogan’s government, seemingly without directly violating laws.
According to text messages obtained by the board, Sayıner organized a September 20, 2023, fundraiser in New York for Mayor Adams’ 2025 campaign. The event was attended by his “close circle” from Turkey, individuals Adams “knows from Turkey” who also “have business here,” according to campaign aide and mayoral staffer Rana Abbasova.
Although the CFB directed Adams to produce all communications with Sayıner as part of its investigation into illegal campaign contributions, Adams has so far failed to fully comply with the request. That raises more suspicion on the extent of his Turkish links.
Evidence suggests that these contributions, facilitated by Sayıner, were disguised through US-based straw donors, including Turkish nationals Erdem Sahin, Deniz Turkbas and Kursad Ece.
Sayıner’s activities allegedly date back to 2021, when prosecutors claim Adams’ staff coordinated donations routed through a Washington, D.C., university with a Turkish partner institution. Employees of that university made maximum contributions, which investigators suggest was a cover for funds originating from a Turkish conglomerate.
The conglomerate is owned by Turkish businessman Enver Yücel, founder of Bahçeşehir University in Turkey and Bay Atlantic University in Washington, D.C. According to a federal indictment, his interactions with Adams included attempts to funnel illegal campaign contributions into Adams’ 2021 mayoral campaign.
In November 2018 a meeting took place at Brooklyn Borough Hall between Adams, Yücel and Abbasova, Adams’ liaison to Turkey, during which Yücel offered to contribute to Adams’ campaign. Despite knowing Yücel was a foreign national and prohibited from donating, Adams instructed Abbasova to facilitate the contribution.
In August 2021 the Adams campaign and Bay Atlantic University coordinated efforts to channel donations from Yücel’s university into the campaign, circumventing legal restrictions.
The CFB also cited longstanding benefits Adams allegedly received from Turkish Airlines (THY), which is majority-owned by the Turkish state. Between 2015 and 2022 Adams — then Brooklyn Borough president, mayoral candidate and later mayor — is accused of accepting free or steeply discounted luxury travel valued at over $100,000.
Cenk Öcal, THY’s New York manager, reportedly arranged deeply discounted travel for Adams and his staff, sometimes requiring a nominal payment to make the trips appear legitimate.
In return investigators allege that Adams intervened with New York’s fire department to approve the controversial “Turkish House” skyscraper in Manhattan — a flagship project of the Turkish Consulate General — despite fire safety objections. FBI affidavits describe how Adams allegedly pressured FDNY officials, even threatening to remove senior chiefs if the building was not approved for occupancy.
Erden Arkan, a naturalized Turkish citizen and co-owner of the KSK Construction Group, admitted in federal court to organizing straw donations in 2021 at the behest of Turkish Consul General Reyhan Özgür. His employees were reimbursed after donating to Adams, a scheme that triggered matching funds from the city.
The FBI exposed the scheme after gathering extensive evidence, including recordings, emails, photos and other documentation linking Arkan with the Turkish official and detailing the orchestrated donations. On January 10 he pleaded guilty in Manhattan federal court to one count of conspiracy to commit wire fraud following a plea deal.
During his plea hearing, Arkan openly acknowledged that the contributions were illegal. “When I wrote the checks, I knew that the Eric Adams campaign would use the checks to apply for public matching funds,” he stated. On August 15 a federal judge sentenced Arkan to one year of probation, a $9,500 fine and $18,000 in restitution.
Another actor in this illegal scheme employed by Turkey is Demet Sabancı Çetindoğan, a Turkish businesswoman who owns the luxury St. Regis İstanbul, where the mayor stayed free of charge. According to the indictment Çetindoğan also arranged illegal donations for the mayor.
The Turkish angle has become the most explosive element of the scandal. Adams has long cultivated ties with the Turkish-American community, frequently appearing at consulate events and boasting of his “special relationship” with Turkey. His close association with Turkish business figures and officials now appears central to the Campaign Finance Board’s rejection of public funding.
The 2014 federal indictment of New York Mayor Eric Adams details how the Turkish government attempted to influence elections in the United States.
The watchdog concluded that Adams’ campaigns in 2021 and 2025 accepted illegal foreign contributions, corporate donations and gifts that were deliberately concealed from disclosure records. It also accused him of obstructing justice, noting that he and his associates delayed or misrepresented information to investigators.
The board stated that Adams’ conduct “constitutes quid pro quo corruption or the appearance thereof,” noting that his reliance on foreign-linked money and perks from the Turkish state undermined the integrity of New York’s public financing program.
While Adams has not been convicted of any crime, and federal charges against him were dismissed in April 2025 following intervention by the President Donald Trump-led Justice Department, the CFB’s findings leave him under a cloud of suspicion.
If upheld, the denial of public funds could undermine his 2025 campaign and intensify scrutiny over how Turkey’s government and business networks may have sought to influence New York’s mayor through campaign donations and personal benefits.
